The Story Of An Hour And The Storm Are Two Greatly Appreciated Pieces

"The Story of an Hour" and "The Storm" are two greatly appreciated pieces of work written by Kate Chopin. The two stories differentiate in attitude toward marriage and its outstanding outcomes. The writer, Kate Chopin, shares many opinions on how marriage may one's life ; this includes a controlling marriage, a doubtful marriage, and a loving marriage. Living life in a marriage of control allows one-self to be extremely indulged in self-torment. No person can appreciate marriage in which one can not enjoy what it has to offer. In "The Story of an Hour," Mrs. Mallard's marriage was assumed to be a controlled one, as when her husband was gone, she felt more joy then ever before. This type of marriage is frowned upon by many. When one has doubt in a marriage, it can most likely come from saddened trust within the relationship. This can start from the very beginning in a relationship and never end, due to both participants of the marriage being frightened to speak of their trust, as it might destroy the relationship. Neither of Chopin's stories display this type of marriage, but it is frequent in reality. Some may say living life in a loving marriage is one of the most substantial parts of life. As seen in "The Storm," when the relationship of the two, supposedly living in nine-teenth century France, use their love for eachother to derive the evil consuming and plagueing their town and drowning their fears. Seeing pure love is seeing a most powerful force capable of overcoming anything in its way, even evil. All these types of marriages conclude implied attitude in Chopin's work. From a controlled marriage, to a doubtful marriage, down to the very best of a loving marriage, one may see how the two stories, "The Story of an Hour" and "The Storm" have differences in attitude toward marriage.

Genetic engeneering1 essays

Genetic engeneering1 essays Genetic engineering has some history of good and bad. In 1989as a result of the food supplement Typtophan, 37 people died, 1500 were permanently disabled, and 5000 were very ill as result of high toxin levels in the food. No one knows the future side effects. Such as in August 19994, corn crops grew three inches tall and then suddenly fell over dead, because past crops drained the soil of most nutrients. Genetics have some new applications. They have newer and better-enhanced cells to be bigger and to produce more. For example soybean companies, they try to get a cell of all or mostly protein. It didnt work to well many people had an allergic reactions. Now scientists are looking and trying to make bigger and better plants. Scientists are also looking for a way to make plants grow twice or three times as big and produce more. That will let them get more crops out of one area of land. Scientists are out to educate people about engineering in plants. To let them know what they are eating. So they dont eat something that a major problem, and most of the public agree to be produced. Since scientists dont know about the long-term effects, because no long-term tests have been able to conducted. There are some negatives that come with everything but genetic engineering on plants has some pretty good ones. People have unknown reactions to some foods that have been altered. Our public health agencies are powerless to trace problems of any kind, back to the source, because there are no labels. There are unexpected and unknown side effects yet to be discovered. Genetic engineering also has its good side. We can produce three times as many crops in one field at one time. That will make our plants three times the size. It will also make the food we produce three times as much. This will help people buy making food in good supply year round, and making it c ...

The Origin of Samuel Clemens as Mark Twain

The Origin of Samuel Clemens as Mark Twain Author Samuel Langhorne Clemens used the pen name Mark Twain and a couple other pseudonyms during his writing career. Pen names have been used by authors throughout the centuries for purposes such as disguising their gender, shielding their personal anonymity and family associations, or even to cover up past legal troubles. However, Samuel Clemens didnt appear to choose Mark Twain for any of those reasons. Origin of Mark Twain In Life on the Mississippi,  Mark Twain writes about Captain Isaiah Sellers, a riverboat pilot who wrote under the pseudonym Mark Twain, The old gentleman was not of literary turn or capacity, but he used to jot down brief paragraphs of plain practical information about the river, and sign them MARK TWAIN, and give them to the New Orleans Picayune.  They related to the stage and condition of the river, and were accurate and valuable; and thus far, they contained no poison. The term mark twain is for a measured river depth of 12 feet or two fathoms, the depth that was safe for a steamboat to pass. Sounding the river for depth was essential as an unseen obstruction could result in tearing a hole in the vessel and sinking it. Clemens aspired to be a river pilot, which was a well-paying position. He paid $500 to study for two years as an apprentice steamboat pilot and earned his pilots license. He worked as a pilot until the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861. How Samuel Clemens Decided to Use the Pen Name After a brief two weeks as a Confederate enlistee, he joined his brother Orion in Nevada Territory where Orion served as secretary to the governor. He tried mining but failed and instead took up as a journalist for the Virginia City Territorial Enterprise. This is when he began to use the pen name of Mark Twain. The original user of the pseudonym died in 1869. In Life on the Mississippi,  Mark Twain says: I was a fresh new journalist, and needed a nom de guerre; so I confiscated the ancient mariners discarded one, and have done my best to make it remain what it was in his hands- a sign and symbol and warrant that whatever is found in its company may be gambled on as being the petrified truth; how I have succeeded, it would not be modest in me to say. Further, in his autobiography, Clemens noted that he wrote several satires of the original pilots postings that were published and caused embarrassment. As a result, Isaiah Sellers stopped publishing his reports. Clemens was penitent for this later in life. Other Pen Names and Pseudonyms Before 1862, Clemens signed humorous sketches as Josh. Samuel Clemens used the name Sieur Louis de Conte for Joan of Arc (1896). He also used the pseudonym Thomas Jefferson Snodgrass for three humorous pieces he contributed to Keokuk Post. Sources Fatout, Paul. â€Å"Mark Twains Nom de Plume.† American Literature, vol. 34, no. 1, 1962, p. 1., doi:10.2307/2922241.Twain, Mark, et al. Autobiography of Mark Twain. University of California Press, 2010.Twain, Mark. Life on the Mississippi. Tauchnitz, 1883.

Mexican Americans in World war I and World war II Research Paper

Mexican Americans in World war I and World war II - Research Paper Example Introduction United Sates of America is an amazing blend of different cultures. The demographic profile is very diverse having multi-cultural and multi-lingual identities. These identities generally include Hispanic and Latino Americans, American Indians, Asian, Black or African Americans and other Pacific Islanders. In United States, Mexican Americans basically involve those inhabitants living in America having Mexican Descent. This ethnic group makes up 16.3% of the total population of United States in 2010. Mexican Americans include 66% Hispanic and Latinos as well. United States is considered the second largest home for this community. A great portion of this community also resides in Canada. In 2008 there were about 7 million Mexican Americans who were undocumented but living in United States. Most of these people are the successors of native Mexicans. Some also belong to Europeans especially the Spaniards. The history of this ethnic group is wide ranging. It is round about four hundred years old. The history varies from one region to another. In the early 1900, there were so many Hispanics residing in New Mexico, Texas and California. Most of them were the successors of native Mexican, European and Spanish settlers. These settlers arrived to this region during Spanish colonial periods. So, the lineage of Mexican Americans can be traced back to early settlers of the colonial periods. History of Mexican Americans’ Contribution to US Cause It is the history of Mexican Americans that they always served United States especially in war conditions. When we look at history, we can observe that in 1861 when civil conflicts erupted in America, the Mexican Americans predominantly those situated in Texas at that time served directly or indirectly for the betterment of US. They also worked and participated voluntarily in Union Army and several other units. 10,000 personnel also served in the regular army. This ethnic group always showed extraordinary commitment and horsemanship. To facilitate their efforts, the US government had also set up four companies to utilize maximum from their services. Medal of Honors were also established by the government to facilitate those who risk their lives for their country. Hispanic and Mexican Americans received these honors for their commendable services in Civil War. Till 1898, the two previously mentioned ethnic groups scattered across the country as regular army officers and created a small, yet professional composition of personnel. Mexican Americans: Great Contributors to America’s Defense History reveals the truth that there were several Mexican Americans who served in First and Second World War with great devotion. Not only men but women also participated equally. Many men and women served in armed forces with their maximum possible dedication and loyalty. John P. Schmal writes about the publication of Defense Department. This publication declared â€Å"when our country has been in need, Hispanic Americans have had more than their share of stouthearted, indomitable men. Their intrepid actions have been in the highest tradition- a credit to themselves, their ancestry, and our nation.† So, Mexican Americans were the people who had greatly risked their lives to save and combat United States. While talking about American men during World War II, Richard Santillan mentioned that Mexican American clearly distinguished during combats for United States. They were so devoted and loyal to the

Macroeconomics - Industrial Economics Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Macroeconomics - Industrial Economics - Essay Example Concentration ratios are calculated depending on the largest firms’ market shares. If 90 percent of industry is produced by four largest firms, then hat indicates an oligopoly and the four firms have a good market share (Curry and George, 1983). At the low end concentration, a zero percent concentration means that there is perfect competition meaning the number of firms is too large that the largest firms have no percentage of the market. On the other hand, 100 percent concentration ratio implies that there is a concentrated oligopoly. It therefore, means, there is monopoly. 0 to 50 percent concentration ratio can be interpreted as a low concentrated industry. In this, oligopoly is at the top while monopolistic competition falls at the bottom. Medium concentration takes a 50 to 80 percent concentration and is considered to be very much oligopolistic. High concentration ranges from 80 to 100 percent concentration (Curry and George, 1983). ... Concentration ratios of eight firms range from 88.5 to 97.4. Concentrations are on the upper end indicating high oligopoly almost coming to a monopolistic market structure. From the data above, considering the concentration ratios, it shows that in the first two years, there is less oligopoly. It then increases in the year 2002 where it is at highest. Then due to high turnover, there are more firms joining the industry which causes the concentration ratios to lower reducing oligopoly. Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI) is another measure of market concentration. In calculating it, the market split of each company that is competing in the market is squared, then summing the results. It can range from zero to 10,000. The higher the market’s concentration, the closer it is to being a monopoly and the less competitive it is (Curry and George, 1983). Considering the investigations conducted, it showed that the market concentration is highest in the year 2002 which is 1577, and it is lowest in year 2000. This indicates that the market was less competitive in the year 2002 than in 2000 which were more competitive. The competition then increases from 2003, goes down in the following year then starts to decline again. Since the market’s results ranges from 1,000 to 1,800, it can be termed as a moderately concentrated market. We can therefore, conclude that it has some oligopoly. To what extent do the major studios - those named in the CR4, CR6 and CR8 indices - outperform the market? In the economic model, competition among firms that are rivals reduces profits to zero. But competition is imperfect and firms are not price takers. Industry concentration is used to measure rivalry. A high concentration ratio shows most of the

Escort Services An International Perspective

Escort Services An International Perspective INTRODUCTION   This paper will consider some of the key issues and challenges surrounding escort services provision. Where possible the arguments and discussions presented seek to generate a broader, more international view in order to encourage open debate around this socially, culturally and legally sensitive topic (Laskowski, 2002).  Ã‚   In examining this area, the initial difficulty is in capturing a single, shared understanding of what escort services are (Scoular O’Neill, 2007). Most societal expectations automatically generate an assumption that the individual providing escort services is a sex worker, although the range of activities involved can include more benign requirements such as social companionship (Burghart, 2017). Many escort agencies operate within legal national frameworks by openly offering such companionship or more accepted services (e.g. massages). The personal nature of those activities then creates the environment within which subsequent informal and less open negotiations around what sexual services (if any) can be provided by the escort (UK National Escorts Association, 2018).   It therefore follows that escort services involve the provision of personal, intimate and tailored engagement to a client for remuneration, which may or may not include the provision of sexual services (Agustin, 2009).   ASSUMPTIONS AND EXCLUSIONS   This paper focusses on the provision of female escort services, offered directly or through an agency –male escort provision is not reviewed (Argento, Taylor, Jollimore, Taylor, Jennex, Krusi Shannon, 2016). No examination of the nature of these services is conducted, although a distinction is drawn between those activities deemed to be legal and illegal (Jeffreys, 2010). In taking a broader, more international perspective it is important to recognise that different national approaches will exist which means that in some cases the provision of sexual services is considered legal (Outshoorn, 2004). However, legal recognition does not necessarily translate into social and cultural acceptance for either the client or the escort worker(s) concerned (Agustin, 2009).   The demand for escort services, be they legal or illegal and with or without a sexual element is well established (Burghart, 2017). This paper therefore does not consider the perspective of clients but instead focusses on the issues shaping the actions and decisions of those women acting as escorts (Matthews, 2007).   THE EMPOWERMENT CASE   For women that choose to work as escorts, arguments have been presented which suggest that doing so provides them with a position of power and authority over their clients (Weitzer, 2007). They work in a sector that puts a particular value on their skills, abilities and attributes and the woman is able to direct and control to what extent she places herself ‘on the market’ e.g. whether to engage in sexual activity or not and if so, what those acts will be (Cho, Dreher Neumeyer, 2013). Whilst many services are engaged through a broker (the Escort Agency) which will take a fee for their involvement, charges for any additional activities are often arranged on a direct basis between the escort and the client (Laskowski, 2002).   However, such empowerment arguments assume that the woman concerned is operating within the realms of an established business framework which she can adapt to her own requirements (Sanders, O’Neill Pitcher, 2017). They also imply that the women has exercised free will and choice in becoming an escort and that no coercion has been applied, such as that seen in many cases of people trafficking (O’Connor, 2017). Even where no overt coercion has been applied, women may feel that working as an escort is the only viable option given issues such as social/economic deprivation, personal addiction issues and unstable family backgrounds (Scoular O’Neill, 2007).   Consequently, any empowerment arguments presented must clearly consider the foundations underlying any perceptions of informed choice (Jeffreys, 2010). Even where such factors are not an issue (such as those women from A or B socio-economic groups with high net-worth clients), the social and cultural stigma around escort services can limit the extent to which women are truly empowered (Szirmai, 2015).  Ã‚   THE SOCIAL PERSPECTIVE   Many women working as escorts see themselves as offering an essential social service to their communities, supporting clients through periods of disruption and turbulence (Sanders, O’Neill Pitcher, 2017). Examples cited include widowers seeking company (or even sexual services) without wishing to enter into another emotional relationship and those coping with the breakdown of a long-term relationship seeking guidance on how to re-engage effectively with women (Sanders, O’Neill Pitcher, 2017). Whilst engaging vulnerable clients seeking emotional rather than physical support could be considered exploitative, competition within the sector could ensure that clients favour those women best able to meet the needs presented (Koken, 2010).   Legislative and social constraints do limit the effectiveness of such support given the stigma often associated with engaging escorts, even if no sexual content is involved (Koken, 2010). It could also be argued that the dominant focus on meeting physical/sexual requirements in the sector creates longer-term social problems, as the clients concerned are often unable to form stable, emotionally sound long-term relationships as a result (Weitzer, 2007). Those clients that regularly use escort services to meet both their physical and emotional needs may end up seeking to apply the same transactional thinking to external relationships, inadvertently undermining the status of women in that community (Sanders, O’Neill Pitcher, 2017).   Where female workers are genuinely empowered, then social benefits can accrue. For example, the working hours involved and the income levels that can be sustained may allow them to remain both employed and effective, accessible parents when they may otherwise be relying on state support (Brooks-Gordon, 2006). However, the hidden and illegal nature of much of the escort sector economy limits social benefit potential (e.g. undeclared incomes and welfare concerns for the children of sex workers) (Sanders, O’Neill Pitcher, 2017).  Ã‚  Ã‚   THE ECONOMIC RATIONALE   Many escort agencies operate as legitimate business interests, generating tax revenues and providing either paid employment or self-employment frameworks for the women concerned (UK National Escorts Association, 2018). The value proposition is on the provision of a booking service for time and companionship with women (UK National Escorts Association, 2018). It is the subsequent transactions between clients and those women which may or may not be legal and which may not necessarily form part of any transparent business activity which raise concerns (Matthews, 2007). Whilst the nature of business registration in the UK makes it difficult to identify tax revenues specifically attributed to escort agencies (which often register as entertainment services), it is estimated that prostitution (i.e. unregulated and untaxed activity) in that country sustains a spend of around  £770M each year (BBC, 2001; UK National Escorts Association, 2018).  Ã‚   Women working in the sector may therefore have the ability to generate and sustain incomes that their educational and social backgrounds would deny them in terms of more traditional employment routes (Weitzer, 2007). As such, depending on the legal and regulatory frameworks in place, they may be net financial contributors to society rather than a drain on national resources (Laskowski, 2007). However, such arguments are predicated on the concept of choice and empowerment as those women working in the sector to sustain addiction problems will still place greater demands on health and social welfare services (Rani, Jain Saxena, 2017). Also, the exploitation that exists in the sector through organised criminal activities (arguably fuelled by legislative and societal constraints around sex workers) means that significant escort revenues remain invisible to the national exchequers concerned (Sweeney Fitzgerald, 2017). Also, these hidden revenues can fund activities which create signific ant economic and social costs for the countries concerned (e.g. the drugs trade, money laundering and criminal violence) (O’Connor, 2017).  Ã‚   POLITICAL ISSUES   Political attitudes surrounding escort services are shaped by national/regional cultures, societal expectations and the legislative frameworks that result (Outshoorn, 2004). As a consequence, in many societies the political leadership prefer to maintain a discrete distance from the sector, rather than engage in open debate about the role of women as escorts (Brooks-Gordon, 2006). Whilst more enlightened attitudes are emerging, such as the operating of licenced establishments with Government health monitoring programmes and social support, anything outside of non-sexual escort activity is still considered illegal in many areas (Agustin, 2009). This limits the political support for women in the sector to focussing on applying criminal sanctions to clients rather than workers and/or the development of social programmes to encourage them to explore alternative employment options (Cho, Dreher Neumeyer, 2013).   As a consequence, many women working as escorts (employed and self-employed) are denied a legitimate political voice within their societies (Outshoorn, 2004). This again calls into question the concept of empowerment, as it is difficult for the women concerned to influence decision-makers about their working conditions, rates of pay and employment rights (Bartlett Kennedy, 2018). This lack of power and influence has led to these women becoming even more isolated from (and controlled by) mainstream society as their roles and life choices are debated and regulated by others (Outshoorn, 2004).   THE IMPACT OF TECHNOLOGY   The advent of modern technology solutions, particularly social networking platforms has provided women with a means to directly access the market for escort services (Heymann-Reder, 2012). The ease with which websites can be created and the willingness of consumers to provide (anonymous) feedback in relation to the services received can negate the need to use agency resources to source, screen and support clients (Tuten Solomon, 2014). This also extends to payment services which further supports women working in the sector in establishing a viable, self-managed business model (Henry, 2011). Such approaches mirror the growth in self-employment opportunities for women in the service sector, where on-line demand for associated skills such as massage and male grooming services can provide a conduit for the marketing of escort activities (Cader Al Tenaiji, 2013).   However, technology developments also expose workers to greater risk (Sanders, O’Neill Pitcher, 2017). The absence of any third-party, escort agency involvement means that women may find themselves alone when coping with an aggressive client or one unwilling to pay for the services received (Jeffreys, 2010). It also introduces a new skills requirement as those pursuing such technology solutions will need to effectively manage and deploy the technology in order to build a sustainable business (Heymann-Reder, 2012).  Ã‚   LEGAL CONCERNS   Whilst those operating escort services as a legitimate business model are afforded the same legal protections as the wider society concerned, often the provision of sexual services falls outside of such frameworks (Cho, Dreher Neumeyer, 2013). Consequently, the women involved are committing criminal acts even though they are meeting a demand that society is aware of and which addresses a clear social need (Jeffreys, 2010). This means that when such women require the full protection of law – for example, if assaulted by a client – the very nature of their profession often means that they are denied that support (Bartlett Kennedy, 2018). The level of violence and associated criminal activity in the sector is therefore well known, but chronically under-reported by those that experience it (O’Connor, 2017). This lack of visibility also undermines efforts to extend legal protection to escorts and the ability of enforcement officials to prosecute offenders (Scoular O’Neill, 2007).   For those women who have fallen into escort work due to social, health and addiction issues limiting the employment choices available to them, the more sympathetic application of legal sanctions in some countries is beginning to provide them with the support required (Agustin, 2009). Viewing such women as being vulnerable and exploited ensures that they are seen in a different light by state institutions, helping them to move out of escort work if their continued involvement undermines their self-worth, health and social status (Reitmeijer, 2017).   SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION   Basic economic theory dictates that women will continue to provide escort services for the foreseeable future. There is a constant (potentially expanding) demand, technology advances make it easier for consumers to express that demand clearly and for suppliers to efficiently tailor their services to the requirements of distinct customer communities (Henry, 2011; Burghart, 2017). Consequently, a dynamic and competitive market exists (and has always existed) irrespective of the behavioural and cultural norms outlined by the societies concerned.   If this proposition is accepted, then it is argued that current attitudes, reflected in the legal frameworks of many nations are discriminatory and punitive to women (Bartlett Kennedy, 2018). They limit the protection that can be offered and expose women to greater risks (including sexual health concerns). Critically, making female sex work an illegal and unregistered activity allows criminal entities to control their access to the market (O’Connor, 2017). Such control disempowers women when they should be shaping their operating environment to meet their own requirements and aspirations (Koken, 2010). Criminal exploitation and the legal frameworks that unintentionally support it also create opportunities to force women to work unwillingly as escorts (Sweeney Fitzgerald, 2017).   Technology advances are giving those women that choose to work as escorts the opportunity to exert greater control. However, this needs to be matched by a more realistic and progressive attitude within societies around issues such as regulation, health screening and support services if women escorts are to be truly protected and empowered.Page Break   REFERENCES   Agustin, L. (2009). Sex and the limits of enlightenment: the irrationality of legal regimes to control prostitution, Sexuality Research and Social Policy, 5(4), pp. 73-86.   Argento, E., Taylor, M., Jollimore, J., Taylor, C., Jennex, J., Krusi, A., Shannon, K. (2016). The loss of boystown and transition to online sex work:   Strategies and barriers to increase safety among men sex workers and clients of men, American Journal Men’s Health, pp. 1-19.   Bartlett, K.T., Kennedy, R. (2018). Feminist Legal Theory: Readings in Law and Gender, Abingdon: Routledge.   BBC. (2001). Prostitution: Should it be legalised? [Online], Available: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/talking_point/1271865.stm   [20 February, 2018].   Brooks-Gordon, B. (2006). The Price of Sex: Prostitution, Policy and Society, Collumpton: Willan Publishing.   Burghart, K.O. (2017). What’s on sale? A discourse analysis of four distinct escort advertisement websites, Sexuality and Culture, 22(1), pp. 316-335.   Cader, Y., Al Tenaiji, A. A. (2013). Social media marketing.†¯International Journal of Social Entrepreneurship and Innovation,†¯2(6), pp. 546-560.   Cho, S-Y., Dreher, A., Neumeyer, E. (2013). Does Legalized Prostitution Increase Human Trafficking? World Development, 41, pp. 67-82.   Henry, A.E. (2011). Understanding Strategic Management, 2nd Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press.   Heymann-Reder, D. (2012).†¯Social Media Marketing. Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Verlag.   Jeffreys, S. (2010). â€Å"Brothels without Walls†: the Escort Sector as a Problem for the Legalization of Prostitution, Social Politics, 17(2), pp. 210-234.   Koken, J. (2010). Independent Female Escort’s Strategies for Coping with Sex Work Related Stigma, Sexuality and Culture, 16(3), pp. 209-229.   Laskowski, S.R. (2002). The New German Prostitution Act: An Important Step to a More Rational View of Prostitution as an Ordinary Profession in Accordance with European Community Law, International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations, 18(4), pp. 479-491.   Matthews, R. (2007). The Prostitution Strategy: A Response, Safer Communities, 6(3), pp. 4-6.   O’Connor, M. (2017). Choice, agency consent and coercion: Complex issues in the lives of prostituted and trafficked women, Women’s Studies International Forum, 62, pp. 8-16.   Outshoorn, J. (2004). The Politics of Prostitution: Womens Movements, Democratic States and the Globalisation of Sex Commerce, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.   Rani, P., Jain, D., Saxena, V.P. (2017). Stability Analysis of HIV/AIDS Transmission with Treatment and Role of Female Sex Workers, International Journal of Nonlinear Sciences and Numerical Simulation, 18(6), pp. 457-467.   Reitmeijer, C.A. (2017). Opinion: The Goose and the Gander – Sexually Transmitted Infection/HIV Prevention and the Adult Entertainment Industry, Sexually Transmitted Diseases, 44(3), pp. 187-188.   Sanders, T., O’Neill, M., Pitcher, J. (2017). Prostitution: Sex Work, Policy Politics, 2nd Edition, London: Sage Publications Ltd.   Scoular, J., O’Neill, M. (2007). Regulating Prostitution, The British Journal of Criminology, 47(5), pp. 764-778.   Sweeney, L-A., Fitzgerald, S. (2017). A case for a health promotion framework: the psychosocial experiences of female migrant sex workers in Ireland, International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care, 13(4), pp. 419-431.   Szirmai, A. (2015). Socio-Economic Development, 2nd Edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.   Tuten, T. L., Solomon, M. R. (2014).†¯Social media marketing. California: Sage.   UK National Escorts Association. (2018). How to run a lucrative escort service. [Online], Available:  Ã‚   http://www.uknationalescortsassociation.co.uk/articles/how_to_run_a_lucrative_escort_service_152.html   [20 February, 2018].   Weitzer, R. (2007). Prostitution as a Form of Work, Sociology Compass, 1(1), pp. 143-155.  

My Sister’s Keeper Essay

In My Sister’s Keeper, Jodi Picoult weaves a gripping tale of pathos, humor, and love. As thirteen-year-old Anna Fitzgerald struggles to define herself as a person apart from her sister Kate, Picoult exposes the universal truths of human relationships. Life is full of choices and consequences. Love demands risks and sacrifice; self-examination and sharing. As the characters unfold, in their own words, the importance of communication emerges as a unifying theme. Kate Fitzgerald is dying of acute promyelocytic leukemia. A kidney transplant is her only hope. Anna’s parents assume without question, that she will offer her kidney. Aware that she was conceived to be a genetic match, and ongoing donor for Kate, Anna wants a chance to live her own life. Though she loves her sister dearly, Anna retains Campbell Alexander, seeking medical emancipation, knowing that without the surgery Kate will die. Thus begins the saga of seven lives intertwined in ways none could ever have imagined. Anna forces a legal confrontation that compels each character to examine the relationships in their lives. Sara Fitzgerald has focused obsessively on Kate’s medical needs, unwittingly ignoring the needs of other family members. Brian, a firefighter, finds respite from his family’s ills on the job, and in the stars, which become a metaphor for life. Jesse, eighteen, is the family misfit. Unable to help Kate, he is wracked by guilt. A rebel, he becomes an unlikely healing force. As the court proceedings swirl around Anna, all involved are forced to reckon with the ghosts of their pasts and the paths they have chosen. Picoult addresses the ethics of the situation only tangentially. The ending is superbly crafted, literally pulling the reader into the text. This is a cosmic tale about relationships and endurance, and the ability of love to change lives forever.